for young readers:
Michael Rosen
A place where I'll post up some thoughts and ideas - especially on literature in education, children's literature in general, poetry, reading, writing, teaching and thoughts on current affairs.
Tuesday, 11 February 2025
List of my more radical books
Saturday, 8 February 2025
The White Man's Burden and Gaza
5 star review of 'One Day' in Telegraph
Michael Rosen is one of our most popular children’s authors, beloved for such enchanting bedtime stories such as We’re Going on a Bear Hunt (1993), which to today’s child are as familiar as Winnie the Pooh. But he has never shied away from difficult themes. His Sad Book (2004) chronicled his grief following the death of his teenage son Eddie. The Missing (2020) was an account of his quest to find out what happened to his Jewish great-uncles Oscar and Martin – one a clockmaker; the other a dentist – who disappeared from France during WW2, and were presumed to have died in a concentration camp.
In One Day he returns to the subject of the Holocaust, using a 40-page picture book to tell the story of Eugène Handschuh, a Hungarian Jew working for the Resistance in Nazi-occupied Paris. Handschuh narrates the story in factual, unsparing prose. “We were fighting the Nazis. And the Nazis were hunting down Jews. Jews like us,” he begins.
Two pages on, he and his father have been arrested. “We were interrogated. That meant we were beaten. Then we were sent to Compiegne camp.” They remain there for two months, “breaking stones” while surviving on starvation rations.
Eventually, in 1943, Handschuh and his father are placed on a train convoy carrying 1,200 Jews from Paris to Auschwitz – but with the help of fellow passengers, they escape by jumping from a window. ‘There were 19 of us who jumped on that day. The rest went to Auschwitz. Only 29 came back.” In an afterword to the story, Rosen reveals that his own ancestors were among those who died. “My father’s uncle and aunt were on that very same train. They didn’t come back.”
These are not easy subjects to tackle in a book aimed at readers as young as six. But Benjamin Phillips’s illustrations cleverly evoke the privations of life in the camp, without focusing on the brutality. The text is similarly careful, with much of the emphasis on the internal: “Get through on one day and then on to the next. One day at a time. One day after another.”
Thursday, 16 January 2025
Books and a video I've made about my relatives and what happened to them in the Holocaust
'The Missing' (Walker Books) (Paperback) An autobiographical account of how I found out what happened to my relatives in the Holocaust. Suitable for children, teenagers and adults. (available in Portuguese) Contains documents, letters, photos.
'Please Write Soon (Scholastic). (Paperback) This is a fictionalised account of the lives of my father when he was a boy in London during WW2 and his cousin in Poland at the same time. It's written as letters between the two boys. The Polish boy goes through persecution, flight, and arrest by the Russians, joining the Polish Free Army and fighting at the Battle of Monte Cassino. This is suitable for 8 year olds upwards. Illustrated by Michael Foreman.
'On the Move' (Walker Books) (Paperback) This is a set of poems about growing up Jewish, finding out about my relatives in the Holocaust, and widening it out into questions of migration and persecution in general. (available in French as 'Prendre la Route'). Illustrated by Quentin Blake.
'One Day' (Walker Books). This an account of a group of French-Hungarian and French Jewish Communists in the Resistance who escaped from Convoy 62 on its way from Paris to Auschwitz. It's a true story. Convoy 62 was the transport that deported my father's uncle and aunt. (available in French and Italian). Illustrated by Benjamin Phillips.
Video: This is also called 'The Missing'. It's a 45 minute video I made for anyone of any age. It tells the story of 'The Missing' and 'On the Move' with documents, letters and photos.
It's on my YouTube Channel, here: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_iR_GiyIJ6k
'So They Call You Pisher!' (Verso Books) - an autobiography for teens or adults, the last chapter of which is written as a letter to my father (who had died) telling him what I had found out about his relatives. Includes photos.
Wednesday, 15 January 2025
Israeli newspaper 'Haaretz' quoted from and summarised Antony Blinken's speech this week as follows:
'"The more people suffer, the less they feel empathy for those suffering on the other side. Large majorities throughout the Arab and Muslim worlds believe October 7 didn't happen, and if it did, then it was a legitimate attack on Israel's military," he said. "In Israel, there was almost no reporting on the conditions in Gaza and what the people there endure every day. This dehumanization is one of the greatest tragedies of the conflict."
The primary element of Blinken's vision for Gaza's reconstruction starts with the Palestinian Authority inviting international partners to help establish and run an interim administration – responsible for civil sectors like banking, water, energy, health and civil coordination with Israel. The international community, according to Blinken, would provide funding, oversight and technical support.
The interim administration, meanwhile, would include both Gazans and PA representatives, selected after "meaningful consultation" with communities. It would hand over full responsibility to a fully reformed PA as soon as feasible.
It would operate in close cooperation with senior UN officials, alongside an interim security mission made up of partner nations and vetted Palestinian personnel responsible for a creating secure environment for humanitarian and reconstruction efforts, as well as border security preventing Hamas smuggling.
Under Blinken's plan, the U.S. would stand up a new initiative training a PA-led security force in Gaza that would gradually take over from an interim mission – the details of which would be enshrined in a UN Security Council resolution.
Blinken noted that several unnamed international partners expressed willingness to provide forces, but only if Gaza and the West Bank are reunified under a reformed PA as part of a pathway to an independent Palestinian state.
"All parties need to summon political will, make hard decision and hard compromises," he said. "Key regional and international actors need to fully commit to fully supporting Palestinian-led governance and preventing Hamas' return. The PA will need to carry out swift, far-reaching reform to build more transparent, accountable governance," he said.
Blinken further noted that Israel will have to accept reuniting Gaza and the West Bank under the leadership of a reformed PA. "All must embrace a time-bound, conditions-based path toward forming an independent Palestinian state. These principles are mutually reinforcing," he continued, painstakingly detailing missteps from both parties.
"Israelis must decide what relationship they want with the Palestinians. That cannot be the illusion that Palestinians will accept being a non-people without national rights," he said.
"Israelis must abandon the myth they can carry out de facto annexation without cost and consequence to Israel's democracy, its standing, its security," he continued.
"Some in Israel argue that accepting a political horizon for the Palestinians would reward Hamas for October 7. In fact, Hamas has tried to kill the idea of two states for decades."
Blinken insisted that Israel accepting a political horizon would be "the ultimate rebuke to Hamas' nihilistic agenda of death and destruction.
"Up to this point, the parties have failed to make these difficult decisions or acted in ways that put a long-term deal and peace further out of reach," he said, charging Israel with "systematically undermining the capacity and legitimacy of the only viable alternative to Hamas – the Palestinian Authority."
"Israel continues to hold back PA tax revenues that it collects on behalf of the Palestinians – funds that belong to the Palestinians and that the PA needs to pay people that provide essential services."
In the West Bank, meanwhile, Blinken noted that Israel is expanding official settlements and nationalizing land at a faster rate than at any time in the last decade while "turning a blind eye to the unprecedented growth of illegal outposts," adding that "violent attacks by extremist settlers against Palestinian civilians have reached record levels."
"We've long made the point that Hamas cannot be defeated by a military campaign alone," he continued, noting "in north Gaza, each time Israel completes its military operations and pulls back, Hamas militants regroup and reemerge because there's nothing else to fill the void.
"We assess Hamas has recruited almost as many new militants as it has lost. That is a recipe for enduring insurgency and perpetual war," he continued. "The longer the war goes on, the worse the humanitarian situation gets in Gaza."
"Israel has pursued its military campaign past the point of destroying Hamas' military capacity," he added.
Blinken, however, charged Hamas with having "cynically weaponized the suffering of Palestinians," recalling how slain Hamas leader Yahya Sinwar sent a message to mediators deeming the deaths of Palestinian civilians "necessary sacrifices."
"Israel's efforts have fallen far short of meeting the colossal scale of need in Gaza. We've been clear publicly and privately, there are steps Israel could take to transform the humanitarian situation in Gaza," he continued.
"The longer the war goes on," Blinken warned, "the greater the risk that Israel's longstanding peace accords with Jordan and Egypt will collapse."
He further warned that Israel "remaining bogged down in Gaza will only harm Israel economically," noting hits to foreign direct investment and Israel's credit rating, as well as how the extended mobilization of reservists is undermining small businesses and private sector productivity.
Blinken further lamented the PA repeatedly failing to undertake long overdue reforms, such as reigning in corruption, and its refusal to consistently and unequivocally condemn October 7.
He said the latter point only entrenched doubt among Israelis that the two communities could ever live side-by-side – as has the PA's prisoner-payment system and "antisemitic remarks of its leader."
He further attacked regional leaders for not forcibly condemning October 7, nor the general operating mode of Hamas. "Had countries around the world applied this collective pressure," he said, "Hamas leaders might have been forced to make different decisions many months ago."
Despite this, he noted "much of the heavy lifting" on Israeli-Saudi normalization is complete, including U.S.-Saudi negotiations on making Saudi Arabia a treaty ally, energy agreements on civil nuclear cooperation and economic agreements to bolster bilateral trade and investment.
The two main elements blocking Israel-Saudi normalization, in his words, are the end of hostilities in Gaza and a credible pathway toward a Palestinian state.
END
Sunday, 12 January 2025
Why doesn't the Dept of Education ask poets who do poetry writing workshops, to tell them how we get children to write poems?
So here's a mystery: for as long as I've been writing poems for children, I've been doing poetry writing workshops for primary and secondary school students. So that's since about 1971, when I did it first on BBC School Radio Programmes, and then from 1974 onwards, in schools, and at festivals.
While I've been doing it, 100s of other poets have been doing it too. There is a huge body of experience there. Some of us have written books based on our experience. Some of us have worked alongside teacher training institutions who've produced booklets based on our work, sometimes publishing the work that the children have done, when we've done our visits.
That is a huge body of work and experience. It's not all the same - far from it. For example, (using me as the example) for a few years I worked alongside teams of other poets at the Barbican in London, while 100s of children came in from local schools. There, we could see how we all worked in huge variety of ways, to help and encourage children to write. On one occasion the Barbican produced a beautiful book based on the work and there was a proper formal evaluation done of what we were doing. On another occasion, I worked at the Centre for Literacy in Primary Education for a year with primary teachers who met every few weeks, having tried out ideas with their classes. They came to the meetings, shared their ideas, and developed as the year went on. We produced a book that came from that year. Last year, we repeated the process, we worked with a group of teachers across the year. They're busy writing up their work and of course the children's work, right now.
And one more example: for nearly 10 years I've been working with schools in Cambridge and Cambridgeshire on local history, Holocaust Memorial Day, and awareness of refugees. I've done research, written poems (as in 'On the Move', (and just last week a book came out based on some more research 'One Day'). In that time, Professor Helen Weinstein things that we've worked with something like 20,000 school students. On her website, History Works TV, there are many examples of what we've been doing.
I've also supervised MA students at Goldsmiths University of London, doing poetry workshops in schools as part of their MA studies, whether that's with their own poems or with others. Their work has appeared in our book, 'Children's Literature in Action'.
I know that if I'm doing this, so are hundreds of other poets. I don't want to steal their thunder so I can't write up what they've been doing.
Now for the mystery: why has the Department for Education never thought to pick our brains, bring us together for conferences, to talk about what we do, show what we do, demonstrate what we do?
Why are we are we marginal to the 'conversation' about writing in schools? We know that most of us are not classroom teachers - though some of us are and others have been - but we've been working alongside teachers. We are, if you like, analogous to peripatetic musicians and artists who come into schools to teach children singing, playing musical instruments or who do projects like making a mural.
What is it about poetry that is somehow so precious (?), or so much part of that hyper hyper hyper regulated section of the curriculum - writing English, that we who have this huge range of experience and knowledge are left outside of the discourse.
Please note, this isn't about picking monitors or experts, or hand-picked 'trusties'. This is about spreading the net much, much wider than that, grabbing the expertise of the huge diversity of voices and methods that we have. No one person, no one small group has the complete answer, for the simple reason that poetry is and has to be diverse!
Think of the vast amounts of money that have been spent by the government on telling teachers how to teach writing. Right from the National Literacy Project (a largely anonymous, mysterious bit of top-down diktat, on how to make children write), through to the SATs and the ludicrous 'expected levels' of writing which are based on arbitrary and bogus notions of 'grammar', and are largely about enforcing and reinforcing ideas about why Standard Written English is the best and only proper way to express oneself, (even though that Standard is evolving under their noses, accepting non-Standard aspects more and more, every day!)
So though 'poetry' or 'children writing poetry', seems like an utterly non-political area, what has happened is that by excluding this vast body of experience from the discourse, is clearly political. There is obviously suspicion, wariness, guardedness in relation to us. Why? What's the problem?
And what happens in our place? As I've written in the previous blog, I have recently been doing a poetry session with some student teachers (students doing primary school teacher-training). I did this as part of their PGCE at Goldsmiths University of London, where I'm a Professor of Children's Literature.
I asked the students to say what kind of poetry lessons they had observed as part of their training. Quite a few of them reported that the schools where they had been based used worksheets and 'schemes' which seemed to them very formulaic, very limited, very much about 'filling in the blanks'. This was explained to the students is because children need 'scaffolds' and can't think of their own ways of writing and don't have enough language or 'vocabulary' to write their own.
I can't speak for my fellow-poets, but speaking from own experience, I can say that that this isn't true. Firstly, in the case of the quick one-off workshop, yes, I sometimes give triggers that involve working with some kind of 'shape' or 'pattern' for a poem eg a call and response form or a verse and chorus form. But primary teachers have a class for at least one year. If we think poetry is part of development - with language and with, social, personal, emotional and cognitive development that what my year long workshops have shown is that it's important to work much more deeply than that. This involves exploring a wide range of poems, a wide range of ways of working, a wide range of producing poems whether that be on screen, on paper, on posters, in powerpoints, in performance, with art, with dance, with drama, with music and so on.
Some of us have done these longterm workshops across several weeks, a whole term or, if we're lucky, for a whole year. We can help with thinking this through.
Interesting?
Saturday, 11 January 2025
Poetry teaching in primary schools. What's going on?
The basis of these starts from 'cultural deficit theory' which assumes that children can't write poems unless you give them poems with gaps in. That's to say, they haven't 'got language' to write poems in. The second assumption is that you can't write poems unless you have 'knowledge' of poems which has an element of truth in it, but this has to be immediately qualified by what it is these courses and activity sheets are dishing up as the 'knowledge'...and how that 'knowledge' is transmitted.
The trainee students sounded quite unhappy by how restricted and controlled it all was.
I'm concerned by that, but also with the idea that educators should assume that the children don't have language and/or culture and that there should be any restriction on what poetry is, in terms of resources, books, collections and so on.